NYT article Why Machiavelli Still Matters

In the NYT article, “Why Machiavelli Still Matters,” Scott and Zaretsky discuss the current relevancy and application of Niccolo Machiavelli’s teachings to current political figures and emphasizes the sheer importance of his lessons (2013). These teachings can be applied to one of the current democratic candidates, Micheal Bloomberg, particularly pertaining to his vast wealth and his strategic philanthropic spending. The year before Bloomberg announced his campaign his philanthropic spending increased astronomically, securing the allegiance of potentially powerful and influential individuals and institutions within the democratic party.

He spent more than $100 million supporting democratic candidates in gaining house majority with his super PAC, as well as made sizable donations which have garnered the support and endorsements from influential organizations within the democratic party such as the Sierra Club and Planned Parenthood, and gun safety organizations, silencing potential critiques (Burns & Kulish, 2020).

In regards to Bloomberg’s actions through the power of his wealth, Machiavelli would comment that his actions are an effective form of power and domination in terms of acquiring a state, such as in the example of the hereditary prince discussed in chapter VII of The Prince, but that they will have extreme difficulty maintaining their state (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1998).

In Machiavelli writes that “it is nor reasonable that having always lived in private fortune, he should know how to command they cannot hold that rank because they do not have forces that can be friendly and faithful to them (26).”” (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1998, p. 26). In regard to Bloomberg, Machiavelli would perhaps say that those who are loyal to Bloomberg, are only loyal to him because of his monetary contributions, and that his actions, which Machiavelli might call “corrupting the soldiers” (26), will not lead to a stable state.

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While the “soldiers” (26) in this case are powerful political supporters, Machiavelli may argue that Bloomberg’s power and rule, while potentially acquired easily, is not stable because of a lack of a strong foundation, and that his ability to simply garner a state and his supporters with his capitol, is not sufficient for a ruler, contrasting to the prince discussed in chapter VI, who acquires his state through virtue rather than just wealth (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1998.)

Machiavelli could also argue that Bloomberg is appearing virtuous and good, even if his actions have different motivations than they outwardly appear to. In chapter VI, Machiavelli writes that, “if his own virtue does not reach that far, it is at least in the odor of it” (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1998, p 22.) Bloomberg is doing this, by appearing to have good intentions in regard to his philanthropic contributions, even if he has different aims in mind.

In another one of his works, Discourses on Livy, Machiavelli discusses the dangers of philanthropic acts, and writes that “works that appear merciful, which cannot reasonably be condemned, become cruel and are very dangerous for a republic.” (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1996 p 276). According to this, Bloomberg’s actions, while appearing to be admirable and reputable from the outside, cannot necessarily be criticized because he is objectively, doing good things, when, as Machiavelli says, reputations are “garnered by private ways” (Machiavelli & Mansfield, 1996 p, 277). While Bloomberg’s philanthropic actions are technically out in the open, his spending could be seen as methods of coercion, which according to could be dangerous because his actions bring himself power, which could further contribute to politics that are won by money, rather than by good leadership, which is problematic, especially in an election where many other democratic campaigns have been terminated due to a lack of funds.