Confucian Values and Fujianese Migration Patterns

The Fujianese population is a group from Fujian province in southeastern China. The Fujianese population have their own distinct dialect (called ​fuzhouhua ​or Fuzhounese) separate from the Chinese official language, Mandarin (Lai et al., 2013). There is a growing interest in the Fujianese population among researchers due to its illicit immigration status and sociocultural background. The Fujianese are engaged in illicit immigration to the United States, making up about 85% of all undocumented Chinese in the 1990s (Lai et al., 2013). Most Fujianese individuals reside in the Greater New York Area after migrating.

The U.S. State Department estimated that about 100,000 Fujianese individuals resided in the Greater New York Area in 1994 (Lai et al., 2013). More recent estimates suggest that 300,000 Fujianese have made their homes in the United States with about 30,000 Fujianese individuals entering the United States annually (Lai et al., 2013).

A lucky few Fujianese individuals arrive to the United States through legal channels such as family sponsorship and employer-sponsored visas (Lai et al., 2013). Others engage in sham marriages that are arranged with U.

S. citizens (Lai et al., 2013). The great majority of the Fujianese come to the United States illegally with the assistance of the snakeheads (​shetou​) who 1 The terms Fujianese and Fuzhounese will be used interchangeably and will refer to the population from Fujian province (the city of Fuzhou and surrounding areas) in the context of this paper. Each researcher has his/her own preference when referring to this same population of people. Although, some strictly refer to the population from Fujian province (the city of Fuzhou and surrounding areas) as Fujianese and refer to the distinct dialect that this population speaks as Fuzhounese.

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The snakeheads are responsible for organizing and coordinating a migrant’s travel, often smuggling migrants via land, sea, and air (often a combination of all three) (Lai et al., 2013). The arduous journey comes with a high price; recent estimates suggest the cost of human smuggling is greater than $80,000 (Lai et al., 2013). Kenneth J. Guest, a Professor of Anthropology at Baruch College, has cited eight major reasons to explain why the Fujianese leave their hometowns. One reason is to make more money (Guest, 2003). Even though Fuzhou City has been experiencing rapid economic expansion and industrial growth and investment in the 1990s, Guest explains that such economic growth has had limited impact on rural areas (Guest, 2003).

“Rural wages cannot compare with anticipated wages in the United States” (Guest, 2003). Another reason is that the rigid household registration system (​hukou​) has placed restrictions on where rural workers are able to work (Guest, 2003). Rural workers have the choice of either becoming an undocumented worker in the United States or an undocumented worker (meaning no government benefits) in a Chinese city (Guest, 2003). Furthermore, the desire to reunify with family, the need for unskilled labor in the United States, availability of support from pre-existing Chinese communities, the religious persecution from the Chinese government, and the forced abortions and coerced sterilizations have all played a role in affecting the migration patterns of the Fujianese (Lai et al., 2013).

Researchers like Lai and Guest have only superficially entertained this idea and have casually mentioned culture as a driver of Fujianese migration in passing. Guest suggests that the influx of remittances from the Fujianese in New York dramatically transformed the rural towns of Fuzhou (Guest, 2003). With beautiful homes and ancestral halls erected, the Fujianese villagers increasingly considered outmigration as a strategy to maintain “face ” 2 (​mianzi​) (Guest, 2003). Guest considers the concept of face (one of the most fundamental components of Chinese culture) as a driver of Fujianese migration. Researchers Grace Lai, Graciete Lo, Hong Hgo, Yuwen Chou, and Lawrence Yang suggest that “deeply ingrained, lived values of filial reciprocity, “face” and the building of guanxi​ (social exchange networks) among the Fuzhounese contribute significantly to their migration” (Lai et al., 2013). These researchers argue that in order to fulfill the obligations attached with filial reciprocity, “face,” and the guilding of ​guanxi ​(social capital)​, ​many young Fujianese (approximately 90% of young adults in some Fujianese villages) trek out on a potentially dangerous journey (Lai et al., 2013).

The increased potential in earnings and increased social standing attached to going overseas is a way to fulfill these obligations expected of the youth (Lai et al., 2013). Anecdotal statements suggest that the Fujianese migrate in order to conform to Chinese culture, often citing self-sacrifice for the good of the family as a primary reason as to why they migrate to the United States (Lai et al., 2013). Lai, Lo, Hgo, Chou, and Yang also considers Chinese culture as a driver of migration, but they only focused on a few Chinese values like filial 2 ​The term face was established by American sociologist Erving Goffman. It is defined as “​an image of the self which depends on both the rules and values of a particular society and the situation the social interaction is embedded in” (“Face”).

Although, Lai and his team have touched on how culture impacts migration my paper will investigate a wider range of Confucian values and feature a more in-depth analysis on how Confucian values influence migration patterns of the Fujianese. Culture and Human Behavior The influence of culture on behavior has long been documented in history. Experiments emphasizing the relationship between culture and its effects on behavior has long been a point of emphasis for social scientists and social psychologists. Cross cultural comparisons on two different cultures with vastly different cultural values can illuminate the influence of culture on behavior. A comparison of American value of individualism and the Chinese value of 3 collectivism demonstrates the influence of culture on social behavior. 4 For example, the Chinese tend to use indirect communication as opposed to the favorable direct communication used by Americans.

This preference stems directly from the collectivistic nature of Chinese society. People must adapt their behavior and conform to standards of society to fit into the group (Merkin, 2015). In conversation, the Chinese use modifiers like “maybe” and “perhaps” to change direct statements into indirect ones (Busiol, 2017, p. 114). Tom Yaxue, a China blogger with a background in East Asian studies and Anthropology who has taught and lived in China for five years, accounts his experience with this phenomenon (Yaxue, 2011). He writes, “​the word ‘maybe’ often pops up in sentences where it has no place. One of my co-workers at one point actually said ‘maybe today is my birthday.’ Usually though it has a more 3 Individualism is one of the distinctive values of American society is individualism. Individualism is defined as “the doctrine of belief that all actions are determined by or at least take place for, the benefit of the individual, not of the society as whole” (“Individualism”).

Collectivism is defined as “personal or social orientation that emphasizes the good of the group, community, or society over and above individual gain” (“Collectivism”). Collectivism emphasizes the interdependence between the self and the group, often promoting the welfare of the group over the welfare of the individual. This anecdote suggests the pervasive use of modifiers like “maybe” to transmit information (usually bad news or self-boasting) indirectly to others. In the United States, direct communication reflects the individualistic nature of American society. Individualists prefer direct communication because it allows them to assert control and power over the relationship (Merkin, 2015). Direct communication establishes a two-way communication in which both superiors and subordinates are required to participate in the decision-making process (Merkin, 2015). This reflects individualism because all people, regardless of rank or hierarchy, are expected to provide input and voice their own opinions. In China, there is a one-way communication system in which superiors assert power in decision making while subordinates have little to no say (Merkin, 2015).

There is some level of distrust that surrounds indirectness in the United States. Many Americans find that directness is aligned with power, while indirectness is a form of dishonesty that reflects subservience. Americans respect brutal honesty while they see indirectness as passive aggressive, weak, manipulative, and untrustworthy. The distrust that Americans have with an indirect style of communication and the distrust the Chinese have with a direct style of communication reflect differences in cultural values (individualism in the United States, collectivism in China). The difference in communication styles between the the Chinese and Americans demonstrates reflects the difference in culture between China and the United States. Culture dictates the way people transmit ideas and communicate with one another, as evident by the preference of one communication style over another.

Since culture is demonstrated to have such a large impact on how people behave, culture may play a predictive role in influencing how people move (migration). Confucianism and Chinese Culture Since Confucianism and Chinese culture have been intertwined together for more than two thousand years, it is no surprise that Confucianism has been “the dominant school of ethical and moral thought” (Gao et al., 2012) According to researchers Ersheng Gao, Xiayun Zuo, Li Wang, Chaohua Lou, Yang Cheng, and Laurie Zabin, Confucianism has infiltrated “every aspect of Chinese society—the politics, economy, social psychology, social customs, ways of thinking, and ways of living” (Gao et al., 2012). Xiangjun Li, a scholar at the School of Philosophy and Sociology at Beijing Normal University agrees with researchers Gao, Zuo, Wang, Lou, Cheng, and Zabin stating “Confucian thoughts have permeated the customs and habits of the traditional Chinese society. Ordinary people obey the Dao although they do not know it” (Li & Yan, 2006).

Associate Professors at the Department of Teacher Education at Cleveland State University Grace Huang and Mary Gove also agree that Confucianism has a widespread influence on Chinese society. They argue that Confucianism has shaped the “social, ethical , and political aspect of Chinese culture for nearly 2000 years” (Huang & Gove, 2015). They affirm that Confucianism plays a pivotal role in informing the social norms of personal, familial, and social relationships. This position on the widespread influence of Confucianism on Chinese culture and behavior establishes the fact that Confucianism creates the foundation of traditional Chinese culture. Ipso facto, the Fujianese (a group that is exposed to Chinese culture) would be susceptible to the influences of Confucianism.

In recent discussions of the effect of Confucianism and the role it plays in the everyday life of the Chinese, a controversial issue has been whether the pervasiveness of Confucianism has been in decline in Chinese society. On one hand, some argue Confucianism does not have the widespread influence it once did. From this perspective, the liberalization of the Chinese economy and the social transformations taking place in China has led to a decline in the influence of Confucianism in Chinese society (Li & Yan, 2006). On the other hand, however, others argue that Confucianism is so embedded into traditional Chinese society that to a certain extent, Chinese citizens often obey by the core principles of Confucianism without being aware (Li & Yan, 2006)). Huang and Gove would disagree with the perspective that the recent liberalization of the Chinese economy and social transformations taking place in China would have a large decline in the influence of Confucianism in Chinese society.

They argue that “… certain Confucian values are slow to change. For instance, the importance of family, value of education, interpersonal relationships (family harmony)” (Huang & Gove, 2015). Dutch social psychologist Geert Hofstede would agree with the sentiment raised by Huang and Gove, emphasizing the point that “cultural traits can be rather sticky, and therefore difficult to change” (Hays, 1994). The points made by Huang and Gove and Hofstede suggest that even if Chinese culture were changing due to liberalization efforts, Confucianism would still likely have a large influence on Chinese culture because traditional culture is slow to change. This indicates that Confucianism still has an impact on the Fujianese, despite changes the Chinese economy and society.

Confucianism and Behavior The study of the intersection between Confucianism and behavior is a burgeoning field of interest for many researchers. Studies have documented the effect of Confucianism on a wide spectrum of behaviors. For example, in a study conducted by researchers Jessica Griner and Joshua Petersen entitled “Confucian Implications on China’s Financial Services Market”, they concluded that “traditional Chinese and Confucian cultural norms have a strong influence on the financial behaviors of Chinese youth” (Griner & Petersen, 2013). The study found that almost all (98.5%) Chinese youth reported prioritizing their parents’ financial success over their own and the majority (90%) of Chinese youth reported feelings of obligations to care for their parents in old age, all of which are consistent with the Confucian principle of filial piety (Griner & Petersen, 2013). The study affirmed the conclusion that despite the recent economic success in China, Chinese youth still adhere to salient Confucian principles like filial piety (Griner & Petersen, 2013). This study is a testament to the omnipresent nature of Confucianism in Chinese society. Despite newfound economic success in China, Chinese youth have not waned from core Confucian values like filial piety.

This study demonstrates that Confucianism has a clear influence on the behavior of the Chinese, even on Chinese financial decisions. The implications of this study in relation to my research question is that since Confucianism has such a clear impact on aspects of life such as finance and money, Confucianism may also infiltrate other aspects of life such as migration. Additionally, this study demonstrates the relatively constant and consistent impact of Confucianism on Chinese society. Despite changes in the Chinese economy, the impact of Confucianism is still quite strong. The vast body of research literature on international migration focuses mainly on the processes of assimilation, acculturation, language acquisition, health, and employment in their host countries. Few prioritize the perspective of the migrant in terms of cultural values: how cultural values and beliefs play a role in affecting migration patterns. Researchers have suggested that the values and beliefs of migrant fundamentally differ from their non-migrant counterparts. In their study, researchers Nathalie Williams, Arland Thornton, and Linda Young-DeMarco hypothesized that “they [migrants] are not representative of the origin population from which they come. Instead, migrants are a select group of people and we expect that their values vary systematically from their non-migrant counterparts” (Williams et al., 2014).

These researchers speculate that migrants will differ from their non-migrant counterparts in three domains: “commitment to origin culture, aspirations beyond the origin, and commitment to family” (Williams et al., 2014). To evaluate their hypotheses, these researchers conducted a study of Nepalese migrants from Chitwan Valley in rural 5 south-central Nepal to observe how cultural values influence the likelihood of migration. In this study, the researchers conducted face-to-face interviews as well as phone interviews with migrants who had just return to Nepal and those overseas in Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) countries (Bahrain, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, and United Arab Emirates). The study received a response rate of 87% which the researchers note is “a remarkable rate for any survey, much less one that is migratory and transnational in nature” (Williams et al., 2014).

The researchers concluded that “some values and beliefs had significant effects on the likelihood of migration, while others did not” (Williams et al., 2014). More specifically, the researchers concluded that those who migrate “place more importance on material goods, and are less religious and more family oriented” (Williams et al., 2014). This study has important implications with respect to my research question. The broad conclusion that “some values and beliefs have significant effects on the likelihood of migration while other do not” may suggest that some Confucian values could possibly have an impact on the likelihood of migration for the Fujianese. The ideas that migrating populations are intrinsically different from their non-migrating counterparts and that those migrating are “less committed to religion” and “less committed to origin culture” indicate that the Fujianese (a migrating population) may be less susceptible to the widespread influence of Confucianism.

The study’s conclusions indicate that ideas about the influence of Confucian values on Chinese culture may not be applicable to migrating populations like the Fujianese. Theories of migration—why people migrate— have long been divided by discipline. A number of sociologists like J.J Mangalam and Harry Schwarzweller take issue with the current divergent nature of the study of migration. They contend that existing theories of migration tend to be “time-bound”, “culture-bound”, and “discipline bound” and that a more comprehensive, holistic, general theory of migration is lacking (Mangalam & Schwarzweller, 1968).

. Social and cultural factors of migration are often understated in the study of migration. These factors are often overshadowed by economic factors, of which allegedly hold the most predictive power in explaining migration in migration theories. Ernst Georg Ravenstein, a German-English geographer and cartographer, furnished a theory (called “The Laws of Migration”) of human migration in 1885 in the Journal of the Statistical Study of London based on British empirical migration data. One of eight “laws” of migration states that “economic factors are the main cause of migration” (Harper College). The postulate that “economic factors are the main cause of migration” has set off a domino effect in which the vast body of literature concerning international migration emphasizes the economic discipline. However, most sociologists agree that international migration cannot be understood by one discipline alone. The reasons why the Fujianese migrate are largely known. As mentioned previously, Guest cites eight reasons for why the Fujianese migrate, and they are mainly economic ones. Even so, scholars understand that migration is not always black and white and involves the interplay between many disciplines, implying that cultural and sociological factors may play a role in affecting migration patterns. My paper investigates how Chinese culture rooted in Confucian ideology is affecting (increasing, decreasing, not affecting) migration patterns of the Fujianese.