How Do Parenting Styles Change After Childhood Trauma

This study focuses on how parents respond after their child experiences a trauma and the role the response plays in influencing the child responses, and how parenting styles change after child trauma. Researchers found participants for this study by posting letters of invitation throughout the community, local service providers, and using a professional survey company.

Key Findings

• Parents usually blame themselves after a trauma because they believe they did not do enough to protect the child from dealing with the trauma/or they feel responsible for making sure their child heals as quickly.
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• This study explains why some families can experience positive recovery after trauma while some other families do not.
• After a child experiences a trauma, parents’ main objective is to place their child in a protective place/care. This could be a literal, psychological or physical placement. For example, they could try to limit the child’s alone time, playtime and communication with others.

Personal rating 1-10 with explanation

This article has a good sample but it’s sampling method provided a diversity limitation.

Although there is diversity in terms of gender, type of trauma and time of time, there is imitation with ethnic diversity. All but one participant self-identified as Caucasian. The extent to which this research can be applied to the general population is very low.

Summary of methodology

This study accesses the relationship between childhood psychosocial adversity and cardiovascular disease (CVD) as opposed to socioeconomic adversity. They used a study of women from the Avon Longitudinal Study of Parents and Children, about 3612 participants.

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The ALSPAC is a prospective birth cohort study from southwest England. The study included lack of maternal care, maternal overprotection, parental mental illness, household dysfunction, sexual abuse, physical and emotional abuse, and neglect in childhood. Questionnaires were administered during pregnancy Approximately 18 years after recruitment into the cohort with a mean age of 51 years. 4957 women attended a follow-up research clinic at which CVD risk factors were assessed.

Key Findings

• This research found that it is possible that neither cumulative nor specific types of psychosocial adversity are causally related to CVD risk
• Socioeconomic factors and ethnicity are more likely to be associated with these outcomes than the forms of adversity studied
• There may have been a lack of power to detect associations due to the low prevalence of some of the psychosocial adversity exposures in this cohort.
• There is a possibility that the effect of early life adversity on CVD risk may be due to different protective factors and social support.
• There are only for three of the twelve CVD risk factors. Greater cumulative psychosocial adversity in childhood was associated with greater BMI, waist circumference and CRP, but only in participants who had high adult Socioeconomic positions.
• There was no evidence for associations between psychosocial adversity and CVD in participants who had low adult SEP.
• Any interventions put into place to support children who experience adversity are unlikely to influence CVD risk.

Rating this is a good article with a good sample size at first, but currently it has its limitations. The generalizability is limited in this study because the sample included in this current analysis is a representation of approximately 25% of the original ALSPAC mothers’ cohort. There is selection bias in the study because the outcomes of loss-to-follow-up, as outcomes were assessed approximately 18 years after recruitment into the cohort. The They only assessed women who are mothers’ and it is possible that this is itself may confer protection against the effects of psychosocial adversity in childhood.